Wedding ceremonies hold a significant place in Uzbek ethnoculture and folklore

Аннотация

Wedding ceremonies hold a significant place in Uzbek ethnoculture and folklore. This grand system, which encompasses numerous rituals observed in a strict sequence and complementing one another, preserves the ancient traditions and beliefs of the people. The songs, recitations, and blessings performed during these ceremonies have always captured the attention of folklore researchers. This article discusses the “Kelin Tushdi” ceremony in the folklore of the Fergana Valley and the yor-yor songs performed during it. Keywords: ritual folklore, wedding, yor-yor songs, “Kelin Tushdi,” poetic parallelism, local characteristics. Introduction. Wedding ceremonies from various regions of Uzbekistan have been thoroughly studied from a local perspective.[1] In the Fergana Valley, which has well preserved examples of oral folk creativity, wedding folklore holds a significant place. The scope and genre diversity of these ceremonies are so vast that encompassing all of them within a single study is impossible. Therefore, in this article, we focus solely on the "Kelin Tushdi" ceremony and the oral folklore associated with it. Main Part. If we consider the wedding ceremony as a complete system, yor-yor songs undoubtedly hold a central place in this system. In the Fergana Valley, specific yor-yor songs are performed at each stage of the wedding ceremony. In some villages, even the groom's attendants (kuyovnavkarlar) accompany the groom into the bride's house on the wedding day, rhythmically clapping and chanting the following two lines in unison: Tog‘da toychoq kishnaydi-yo Ot bo‘ldim deb yor-yora, ot bo‘ldim deb. (The song reflects a symbolic transformation, comparing a young colt growing into a strong and mature steed. It metaphorically represents the groom's readiness and pride as he steps into a new phase of life, embracing his role as a husband with confidence and joy. The yor-yor refrain underscores the celebratory and traditional essence of the moment.) The yor-yor text actually has a continuation (*The bride weeps at home, saying "I have become a stranger, yor-yor"). However, only the initial two lines are repeated and performed exclusively by the young men, adhering to artistic logic. According to folklorists, the colt's neighing, claiming "I have become a steed," serves as a symbolic expression of a young man reaching maturity and being ready for marriage.[2] It is appropriate for these lines to be performed by young men. In the subsequent lines, poetic parallelism reflects the feelings and state of the young woman, naturally performed by the bride’s friends, bridesmaids, or married women (yangas). It is believed that the original couplets, structured as an exchange of verses, eventually merged into quatrains and became exclusively performed by women and girls. This yor-yor served as a kind of “signal,” indicating that the time to take the bride away was approaching. After the groom's party (kuyovnavkarlar) had been hosted at the bride’s house, 165 ILM-FAN VA INNOVATSIYA ILMIY-AMALIY KONFERENSIYASI in-academy.uz/index.php/si the married women (yangalar) entered the room where the bride was seated to prepare her for departure. The "Kelin Tushdi" ceremony refers to the process of escorting the bride to the groom’s house. Along the way, the bride’s friends sing sorrowful yor-yor songs, evoking memories of her parental home. Since these yor-yor songs have been analyzed in depth in numerous studies, we have chosen not to delve into them further. According to F. Abdurahmonova, "The yor-yor songs of Fergana and Andijan are livelier compared to those of Namangan, characterized by a mood of celebration and festivity."[3] These yor-yor songs are sung continuously by women and girls from the time the bride says farewell to her parents at her home until she reaches the groom's house. Along this journey, two additional rituals are performed. In the first, the driver of the vehicle (or cart) transporting the bride stops midway, claiming, "My vehicle has broken down." He refuses to proceed until the bride's relatives— sisters, aunts, or cousins—offer him gifts of his choosing (such as food, fabric, or occasionally a robe). Only after receiving these offerings does the driver "relent" and continue the journey. The second ritual, known as the yolto‘sar ("road-blocker") ceremony, takes place upon entering the groom's neighborhood or street. Here, 4-5 children (sometimes adults) stand on either side of the road, holding a long rope, scarf, or piece of fabric stretched across the bride's procession route, symbolically "blocking" the way. The "blockers" demand certain items— usually a sum of money—before allowing the group to pass. This practice, in our view, traces back to historical instances of banditry, where bridal caravans traveling long distances would be ambushed and robbed. Once the bride safely reaches the groom's house, her family resists handing her over too easily. The bride's young male relatives demand small knives from t