THE ROLE AND HISTORICAL ROOTS OF THE MAHALLA IN SOCIAL GOVERNANCE DURING THE NEW UZBEKISTAN ERA

Аннотация

This article explores the evolving role and historical roots ofthe mahalla institution in Uzbekistan’s system of social governance from the early years of independence to the present era of "New Uzbekistan." The study analyzes the transformation of the mahalla from a traditional communal structure into a modern socio-administrative unit that actively participates in state policy implementation, particularly in social welfare, youth support, women’s empowerment, and local conflict resolution. Drawing on sociological data, legal reforms, and international comparisons, the research emphasizes the growing importance of mahallas in promoting civic engagement, ensuring inclusive development, and bridging the gap between citizens andthestate. Keywords:Mahalla, social governance, New Uzbekistan, self-governance, civic participation, local administration, community development, decentralization, traditional institutions, public policyreform. Introduction: In the post-Soviet landscape of Central Asia, Uzbekistan’s path to statehood and societal restructuring has been marked by a unique integration of traditional institutions with modern governance models. Among these, the mahalla—a centuries-old communal structure rooted in local identity, religious ethics, and mutual assistance—has undergone a profound metamorphosis. Historically, mahallas functioned as tightly-knit self- regulating neighborhoods, operating primarily on unwritten norms, collective responsibility, and spiritual leadership. However, since gaining independence in 1991, Uzbekistan has embarked on a nation-building project in which the mahalla has evolved into a formalized actor within the system of local governance. This evolution is particularly pronounced in the current phase of reforms referred to as the "New Uzbekistan," under which mahallas are being reimagined not only as cultural entities but also as instruments of social administration and participatory democracy. The institutionalization of the mahalla began with its recognition in the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan, followed by legislative acts such as the Law on Citizens’ Self-Governance Bodies (1993, revised in 1999, 2013, and 2021). These reforms laid the legal foundation for empowering mahallas with specific administrative, social, and economic functions. No longer informal networks, they became integrated nodes of state infrastructure, charged with delivering social services, overseeing family welfare, and acting as mediators in community disputes. As of 2024, Uzbekistan is home to over 9,400 mahallas, each headed by a mahalla raisi (chairperson) and supported by specialized staff tasked with women’s affairs, youth engagement, social support, and civil registry functions. The scope of mahalla responsibilities expanded significantly in the wake of reforms under the administration of President Shavkat Mirziyoyev. The mahalla became central to several flagship programs aimed at reducing poverty, ensuring gender equality, and creating employment. Initiatives such as the “Iron Notebook,” “Women’s Notebook,” and “Youth Notebook” serve as targeted registries that enable the government to deliver tailored support services via mahalla structures. page964 INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE ISSN:2692-5206,ImpactFactor:12,23 AmericanAcademicpublishers,volume05,issue06,2025 Journal: https://www.academicpublishers.org/journals/index.php/ijai According to official data from the Ministry of Justice, over 1.9 million individuals benefited from mahalla-facilitated social services in 2023 alone. These developments underscore the increasing functional load placed on mahallas, transforming them into frontline institutions of public administration. From a theoretical standpoint, this institutional evolution intersects with concepts of "decentralized governance" and "participatory administration." While the mahalla retains its indigenous character—preserving Islamic ethics, cultural rituals, and neighborly solidarity—it is simultaneously molded into a bureaucratic mechanism. The model represents an indigenous form of what Elinor Ostrom referred to as polycentric governance: a system in which local actors have meaningful agency within a multi-level administrative framework. What makes Uzbekistan’s case particularly notable is the way in which this indigenous institution has been strategically co-opted and transformed into a semi-formal apparatus, enabling the central government to maintain proximity to citizens while projecting administrative authority. Internationally, the transformation of mahallas has attracted scholarly attention. Comparative studies by scholars such as Eric W. Sievers and Johan Rasanayagam argue that Uzbekistan’s mahallas represent a hybrid of traditional legitimacy and modern functionality. Sievers emphasizes their role in reinforcing state control at the grassroots level, whileRasanayagam views them as spaces for culturally-rooted civic engagement. Regardless of